Interview with
Dr. Norafidah Ismail on Egypt, Saudi Arabia and China. Published at The Nort Africa Post.
Mrs. Ismail,
you have earned your master degree and Ph.D. in the United Kingdom. Could you
compare how it has influenced your views on Middle Eastern issues? Are
your views somehow different from those of your colleagues at Universiti Utara
Malaysia who do not have the experience from the ‘Western Hemisphere’?
The education
background that I gained from British universities helps me develop and deepen
my understanding on political, economic and security issues of the Middle East.
The increased understanding, no doubt, helps me learning and developing
analytical thinking and views on the Middle Eastern issues.
The British
education system, to some extent, has gradually also changed the way of
addressing and analysing the issues (in particular international relations
issues concerning the Middle East). It also encourages me to have a balanced
view. Extensive references from different countries are acquired and dealt with
before a balanced assessment is adopted. The root causes of specific issue as
well as their implications are carefully scrutinized before an analytical work
is produced.
The positions
that my colleagues (at Universiti Utara Malaysia) and I have achieved on
certain issues have sometimes small differences. This situation is partly
shaped by the principles and theories that we believe and advocate. The
education background that we have, however, wields a subtle influence on these
positions.
You co-authored
a book on Sino-Saudi relations. Could you put them in the context of the recent
crisis in Gaza?
The policy
behaviour of China and Saudi Arabia towards Israeli aggression was coherent and
relatively consistent. The two countries demonstrated common understanding of
the conflict. They were also seen to adopt a similar posture towards the
aggression by sharing the grim fate of the Palestinians. Against this political
backdrop, one may argue that China has continued winning the hearts of Arab
leaders.
The recent
lethal violence in Gaza continued to unveil a Chinese stance of supporting the
just cause of Palestinians and diplomatic initiative pursued by the Arab world.
Chinese leaders discussed with Egyptian Foreign Minister, Mohamed Kamel Amr,
the deteriorating situation in Gaza. They also extended their country’s support
to Egypt and other Arab countries in mediating the ongoing conflict. China
welcomed a cease-fire agreement and offered humanitarian aid to Palestine.
Saudi Arabia
showed its deep and pressing concern over the development in Gaza and
emphasized the principal role the Arab world and the international community
has played in repelling a series of Israeli attacks against Palestine. The
Kingdom denounced the Israeli assault in Gaza. The Saudi Crown Prince Salman
bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud discussed the Israeli brutal assault with Jordanian King
Abdullah, promising an increased cooperation with the powers in the region and
at the international level with the aim to deter this aggression. Saudi
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs also called for a ‘stronger and more
unified Arab stance’ concerning the appalling situation in Gaza.
From you point
of view, do you observe any significant changes in Chinese influence to the
Middle East and North Africa region?
There is a
visible improvement of Chinese political and economic influence in the Middle
East. China gradually increases its political leverage and reveals its growing
presence in the region by fulfilling its special role as one of the permanent
members of the UN. The Syrian crisis is the best case that we can refer to.
China is seen to prolong the day-to-day survival of President Bashar al-Assad’s
regime. This critical stance, however, is openly criticised by the Western
powers.
China also
successfully maintains its economic foothold in the region. Its economic interests
remain strong and paramount. In 2011, the trade value between China and the
Arab states was US$200 billion (increased by 35 percent from the previous
year). In the 2000s, the bilateral investment between both sides grew
eightfold.
Do you see the American
bond to Saudi Arabia being weakened by current developments in the region?
The current
developments (which specifically refer to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict)
create a significant challenge to the US-Saudi bilateral relations. Washington
and Riyadh have some clear differences in this conflict. Israeli violent
attacks on Gaza Strip in November 2012, for example, indicate different
positions and strong stances that the two countries have assumed. In this
bloody conflict, the US agreed on Israeli aggressive action. Saudi Arabia
(along with other Arab and Muslim countries), on the other hand, strongly
denounced this controversial move.
What are some
of the important developments that we should closely watch in the near future?
The US
reaffirmed its unflagging support for Israel and stressed some contributing
factors that explained Israel’s aggressive behaviour. The US supported the
right of Israel to defend itself against the attacks from Gaza which were
considered as the acts of terrorism. The House of Representative passed H. Res.
813 in November 2012 that confirmed ‘vigorous support and unwavering commitment
to the welfare, security and survival of the State of Israel as a Jewish and
democratic state with secure borders and recognizing its right to act in
self-defence to protect its citizens against acts of terrorism’. Another
example that shows the unwavering support is American investment in Israeli
mortar defence system and Iron Dome rocket.
Saudi Arabia
firmly opposed the occupation practices of Israel by denouncing a recent event
of Israeli onslaught against the people in the Gaza strip. The Kingdom also
called on the international community to play a substantial role in this
conflict. Saudi Minister of State for Foreign Affairs stressed the substantial
responsibility of the UN Security Council to compel Israel to end the violence
and blamed the Israeli occupation government as the only (single) actor that
bore a total responsibility for a worsening condition in Gaza.
The US and
Saudi foreign policy responses on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have, to
some extent, reached a certain degree of conformity. The Kingdom, for example,
offers some support for the US approaches to this conflict (this support has
been taking place since the beginning of 1990s). The Kingdom has endorsed peace
agreements between Israel and Palestine and pursued ‘a more proactive approach’
to the peace-making and diplomatic efforts between the two conflicting parties.
With regard to
the current development, the US and Saudi Arabia seem to be on the same page in
responding to Israeli plans of constructing thousands of settlement in East of
Jerusalem. The Kingdom argues that Israeli settlements will affect the peace
process. Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs was critical to Israeli immediate
retaliation against the UN resolution (this resolution granted the status of an
observer state at the UN to Palestine). For the Prince, such retaliation which
led to the development of more Israeli settlements would upset a two-state
solution. The Prince pointed out that ‘where can a Palestinian state be created
and what are the lands belonging to it as the West Bank is controlled by Israel
almost entirely? … Without withdrawing from these lands, I think that there is
no chance or possibility of a two-state solution’.
What is
Washington’s take on that?
A State
Department spokesman revealed a position of the US regarding Israeli plan of
developing more settlements. The plan would pose a difficulty of resuming
bilateral negotiations and complicate the initiatives of having two-state
solution. He said that ‘the United States oppose all unilateral actions,
including West Bank settlement activity and housing construction in East
Jerusalem… [and] we have made clear to the Israeli government that such action
is contrary to US policy’.
The
relationship between the US and Saudi Arabia remains solid, though it has been
constantly challenged by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The two countries
have been fostering and enjoying a special relationship. They need each other
for promoting and keeping their mutual interests.
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Norafidah
Ismail is Senior Lecturer at University Utara Malaysia. Her area of
specialization is the International Relations of the Middle East and
International Political Economy. She has co-authored, with Tim Niblock, the
article ‘An Intensifying Sino-Saudi Relations’ in a book ‘Multidimensional
Diplomacy of Contemporary China (Lexington Books, 2010) and has delivered
several conference papers on China’s growing involvement in the Gulf. Dr.
Ismail earned an M.A. in International Political Economy from the University of
Leeds, and a Ph.D. in Arab and Islamic Studies from University of Exeter,
United Kingdom.